So, I finished reading the Ghost Map, and I thought I might offer just a few pithy comments. Please note this is by no means a full-on book review (thankfully, as end-of-semester deadlines are barrelling down upon me).
Overall, I found the book fascinating and enjoyable to read. The writing is lively and informative, the pacing is excellent, and Johnson deftly weaves the narrative of John Snow, the physician and epidemiologist principally responsible for proving the waterborne nature of cholera. Snow's analysis (along with significant contributions from Reverend John Whitehead, more on hm below) and testimony before the London Board of Governors prompted them to order removal of the handle of the Broad Street pump (the well was a primary vector of infection).
In one particularly chilling passage, Johnson explains how investigation established the index case as the infant of Sarah and Thomas Lewis, of 40 Broad Street, whose soiled clothing had been washed in water that was then dumped into a cesspool that seeped into the well's groundwater. In the latter stages of the epidemic, as the cholera burned itself out, Thomas Lewis became ill, and Sarah Lewis again washed his soiled garments in water that she deposited in the cesspool in their basement. Johnson draws the frightening conclusion:
If Snow had not persuaded the Board of Governors to remove the handle when he did, the disease might have torn through the neighborhood all over again, the well water restocked with a fresh supply of V. cholerae. And so Snow's intervention did not just help bring the outbreak to a close. It also prevented a second attack.
(187-88).
One theme of Johnson's that ought to be of particular interest to the medical humanist is his insistence that there are really two protagonists in the events of 1854-1855. John Snow's dogged scientific acumen, his engineering intelligence, and his general brilliance were certainly integral, but so to, argues Johnson, were the efforts of Reverend Henry Whitehead. Whitehead was a completely familiar and important figure in the social life of the Broad Street neighborhood at the time.
Johnson details that Whitehead initially rejected Snow's theory, until Whitehead began to conduct door-by-door investigations (something Snow could not have done because he lacked the connections and familiarity that Whitehead had with the neighborhood), the results of which convinced him of the single common factor in virtually all of the afflicted families and homes (Broad Street water). Johnson's point is that even Snow's genius alone might have been insufficient to convince the authorities of the incommensurability of the deeply entrenched miasma theory with the evidence. It took Whitehead's "local expert[ise]" to render Snow's theory of waterborne contamination, so airtight (no pun intended) that even the authorities could not show that the miasma theory fit with the facts equally well.
Why is this of import for the medical humanist? I think it shows the importance of practices, for one. Snow's brilliance might not have helped usher in the germ theory of disease had he confined himself to a laboratory, without any actual knowledge or investigation of the local practices and customs that literally fed and cultivated the epidemic. Whereas Petrarch and the humanists were concerned with the cultivation of virtue in people's daily lives and practices, Whitehead's significant contribution was to examine how the disease "was cultivated" in context of those daily lives and practices. In both cases, those local practices and contexts are a crucial part of the overall endeavor.
Snow's story, then, demonstrates the relevance of those practices to scientific discourse. Health really does seem to be, in some sense at least, both a public good and a social phenomenon. Health surely seems to be a practice, which is partly why the last decade has seen more attention to what has been termed "public health ethics," partly because of concern that the historically individually-focused aspects of bioethics have not facilitated due attention to the ethical and policy concerns of health in the truly public sense. It seems difficult to deny the inextricable link between public and individual health; after all, if vaccinations and immunizations were nonexistent, it seems safe to suggest that the burden on physicians treating individual patients would increase (to put it mildly).
In any case, Johnson's book is both interesting and important from the medical humanities perspective. The fact that one of Johnson's primary academic interests has been to examine the ways in which cultures respond to epidemics confirms the significance of practices and social contexts for the narratives and the history he examines.
My only real source of disagreement with Johnson is not in the history that is his principal focus, but in his conclusion, where he extrapolates from that history regarding the current threat of epidemic disease on the planet. While I do not necessarily disagree with his contention that the specter of nuclear detonation may be far more worthy of our fright, I do not share Johnson's optimism on the possibility that science may someday relatively soon conquer infectious disease. He suggests:
We have already seen amazing advances in our understanding of the way genes build organisms, but the application of that understanding -- particularly in the realm of medicine -- is only starting to bear fruit. A decade or two from now, we may possess tools that will allows us to both analyze the genetic composition of a newly discovered bacterium and, using computer modeling, build an effective vaccine or antiviral drug in a matter of days.
(249). Though I am obviously no scientist, I find much to disagree with here. First, it may be significant that as a trade name, what was once referred to as "gene therapy" is now generally termed "gene transfer," mostly to remove the obvious therapeutic misconception that attends the former (disasters like the Jesse Gelsinger case likely influenced this move). The point is that we are far enough away from being able to use gene technologies as a therapeutic regimen that it was deemed more accurate to give such research the more reserved and sober term, "gene transfer."
Thus, one might well quibble with Johnson's point that the application of genetic understanding is medical practice is starting to bear fruit now. A great deal more work is necessary before we can even begin to actually use genes as therapy. Perhaps all Johnson means is that our understanding of genes informs clinical practice. But this is both undeniable and trivial, in the technical sense. Accordingly, I'm not entirely sure what Johnson means here.
Moreover, one might look at our current difficulty in making an effective vaccine for HIV (it has proven extremely difficult to make vaccines for retroviruses) and see it as an obvious counterexample to Johnson's suggestion that we may only be a decade or two away from being able to quickly construct a vaccine for a heretofore unknown virus. We have been working on a vaccine for HIV for almost two decades now with relatively little success. I am not at all convinced that the near future holds the bright prospects for immunology that Johnson seems to envision.
Nevertheless, these differences strike me as relatively minor in terms of the overall narrative and themes that Johnson traces. All in all, I found it a successful book, as well as highly enjoyable to read.
Thoughts?